A revolutionary draft in the tradition of The Proletariat
Camatte,
a very good person whose life is metacognitively directed towards
endless cycles of synthesis by the classical-modernist influence on
revolution who, in the end, finds nature as the real revolutionary
goal. He discovers (and describes) the gangster-tendency devolution of
benevolent groups to form into malevolent elitist organizations,
especially including the communist parties he belonged to--but
ultimately left. As a true follower of Marx, Camatte approaches a
successful return to nature as communism from a modernist revolutionary
perspective that resulted in Green Anarchy --an anarchist syndication.
His
communist artifacts are significant. Perhaps because he left
mainstream communism, he is able to show the "short list" of very
important communist components that could/should have worked, but didn't
because of, as he shows, the corrupting tendency of organizations as
they move from a theoretical basis to control strategies necessary for
maintaining power. Without saying so, he reveals Marx and Engels to be
anarchist in concept, and their communist theory (along with 1930s
German socialist Rosa Luxembourg's) to be strictly self-actualizing as a
product of the revolutionary experience, rather than the result of
predetermined theoretical dictation.
Very significantly, he
shows us "proletariat negation" as a the specific communist extension of
the classical dialectic's "negation of negation" (from Hegel). The
proletariat negation is difficult to describe except as a double
negative as applied to the absence of something that is desired (and
thus a tragic absurdity). In the "proletariat negation," Proletarians
seeks full citizenship, which negates their existence as near-slaves,
yet, preserves their personal and social proletariat self-identity
structure, which they naturally want. This suggests a communist
complication, or contradiction, as the true meaning of the Proletariat
changes to meet current expectations of neo-Marxist theory with the
Proletariat remaining in a negated state, rather than evolving into a
unique culture.
Also significant is the fact that the
proletariat negation, or "change in definition," evolved the proletariat
into the powerful Soviet military --from near-slavery. This is
"nothing to sneeze at" because Russia had no choice but "Soviet Might"
in the face of Nazism, and, subsequently, in fear of America's
nuclear-backed capital/corporate expansion during the Cold War: the
Bushes (of Yale University), Reagan, and Kissinger.
Taken from
the perspective of Occupy critical inquiry, the problem is obviously
Hegel (as György Stiffel predicted with his support for the original
Occupy critical inquiry hypothesis). Soviet brutality, as an extension
of proletariat negation, is an extension of Hegel's "Negation of
Negation." But, because of the Proletariat's purity in the face of
unending capital abuse, the Soviet's military might (with its pioneering
space program) is not at fault despite its brutality --only the
Hegelians are who consistently misled revolution. The only negation
should be the "negation of the negation of negation," and then negation
itself should be negated, forever, with a final, brutal negation of
Hegelian synthesists.
Camatte is so helpful when he uses
proletarian vocabulary correctly in the context of Marx and Engels. He
shows us how the Proletariat self-negated to near-disappearance because
anti-aristocratic revolution was so successful in distributing both
wealth (for urban-industrialized) and land (for rural farmers) with the
Romanov extermination being an example of communist negation. He shows
us how the communist parties of his time (1960s-70s) had to fight to
find proletariat society to represent. Economies of Camatte's time were
much more people-friendly, but the homelessness of the 1980s was just
around the corner leading to our current, purely-defined, proletariat
population that is often only one paycheck away from homelessness.
Common, non-unionized worker wages have dropped to 1/3 since Camette's
time, probably because foreigninzation has successfully pit one culture
against another for scant labor wages. In support of capital, current
communists work to provide new proletariat in the Third World for the
First World capital machines (through uncontrolled population growth) so
that they can subsequently represent and dominate it--precisely as
Camette predicts.
From the Occupy critical inquiry's "purist"
perspective, the "euro struggle," which is still the problem of negation
(as the equivalent of antithesis) is the continuous lie necessary for
the metacognitive (current dialectic) to continually transmit
(transgenterationally) the sickness of synthesis. Not mentioned by
Camatte as an example of a group that is vulnerable to corruption is
"the family." Both capital and fascism are successfully transmitted
through family as corporations (Bush) and police departments (Louima).
"Family" is the way organized crime such as the Mafia self-describes.
Even normal, mainstream families can easily be shown to be dominant and
elitist in the ways Camatte describes as they meet his criteria (for
racketeering) with their authoritarian attunement of their children to
meet synthetic norms such as predetermined human capital and gender
roles.
Thus, I see families as the guiltiest of antithesists and
elitists; by rejecting and marginalizing youth who do not meet their
norms, they create the unstoppable raw revolt of delinquency necessary
to precipitate real revolution. In their suffering, the marginalized
youth symbolize the purity of proletariat struggle that attracted the
intellectuals and soldiers who ultimately formed the communist movement
ultimately resulting in Soviet Might --a gang by any standard.
Notwithstanding
Camatte's criticism, the CCCP allowed the Proletariat to redefine
itself as a powerful class by de-marginalizing itself to create, for
instance, a pioneering space program from its unstoppable military
ballistics driven by proletariat revolution. Perhaps Camatte can
momentarily be taken in reverse--but not negated--to implement the
current revolution back to nature, which is the return of humanity to
the evolutionary track. Evolution is nothing if not scientific in
explaining humanity's faith in nature as nature's own revolution: the
evolutionary trajectory of love. So seducing(!), especially if you
consider that priests/pastors (perhaps even Christ) have only been but
mere figureheads for the organization of original evolutionary purity:
each individual woman's mammalian empathy for her child --her liberation
from the capital synthesis of her "real world" family.
References:
Camatte's On Organization (click)
Occupy critical inquiry (Current Dialectic, this blog)
Finally, this effort is feeling conclusive, which I hoped for from the outset 2+ yrs ago. With the discovery of the socialist emergence from the "Jewish settlements in the Pale," the pure negativity of academic oligarchy the possibility of scientific rehabilitation in an aboriginal context. Cultural "fleshing" will continue with reprints of currently-relevant recently-historical experiences, often gangster, while "the Pale" experience is solidified upto present revolutionary efforts. The hope is to create a hinge with which to restore revolution as evolution after the excessively long period of oligarchic occupation -since 500BC.
Then, probably, the entire blog will be consolidated and "put to rest" with the first wikified writing about the occupy dialectic two years ago.