Finally, this effort is feeling conclusive, which I hoped for from the outset 2+ yrs ago. With the discovery of the socialist emergence from the "Jewish settlements in the Pale," the pure negativity of academic oligarchy the possibility of scientific rehabilitation in an aboriginal context. Cultural "fleshing" will continue with reprints of currently-relevant recently-historical experiences, often gangster, while "the Pale" experience is solidified upto present revolutionary efforts. The hope is to create a hinge with which to restore revolution as evolution after the excessively long period of oligarchic occupation -since 500BC.

Then, probably, the entire blog will be consolidated and "put to rest" with the first wikified writing about the occupy dialectic two years ago.

Purity of the Proletariat

A revolutionary draft in the tradition of The Proletariat



Camatte, a very good person whose life is metacognitively directed towards endless cycles of synthesis by the classical-modernist influence on revolution who, in the end, finds nature as the real revolutionary goal.  He discovers (and describes) the gangster-tendency devolution of benevolent groups to form into malevolent elitist organizations, especially including the communist parties he belonged to--but ultimately left.  As a true follower of Marx, Camatte approaches a successful return to nature as communism from a modernist revolutionary perspective that resulted in Green Anarchy  --an anarchist syndication.

His communist artifacts are significant.  Perhaps because he left mainstream communism, he is able to show the "short list" of very important communist components that could/should have worked, but didn't because of, as he shows, the corrupting tendency of organizations as they move from a theoretical basis to control strategies necessary for maintaining power.  Without saying so, he reveals Marx and Engels to be anarchist in concept, and their communist theory (along with 1930s German socialist Rosa Luxembourg's) to be strictly self-actualizing as a product of the revolutionary experience, rather than the result of predetermined theoretical dictation.

Very significantly, he shows us "proletariat negation" as a the specific communist extension of the classical dialectic's "negation of negation" (from Hegel).  The proletariat negation is difficult to describe except as a double negative as applied to the absence of something that is desired (and thus a tragic absurdity).  In the "proletariat negation,"  Proletarians seeks full citizenship, which negates their existence as near-slaves, yet, preserves their personal and social proletariat self-identity structure, which they naturally want.  This suggests a communist complication, or contradiction, as the true meaning of the Proletariat changes to meet current expectations of neo-Marxist theory with the Proletariat remaining in a negated state, rather than evolving into a unique culture.

Also significant is the fact that the proletariat negation, or "change in definition," evolved the proletariat into the powerful Soviet military --from near-slavery.  This is "nothing to sneeze at" because Russia had no choice but "Soviet Might" in the face of Nazism, and, subsequently, in fear of America's nuclear-backed capital/corporate expansion during the Cold War: the Bushes (of Yale University), Reagan, and Kissinger.

Taken from the perspective of Occupy critical inquiry, the problem is obviously Hegel (as Gy├Ârgy Stiffel predicted with his support for the original Occupy critical inquiry hypothesis).  Soviet brutality, as an extension of proletariat negation, is an extension of Hegel's "Negation of Negation."  But, because of the Proletariat's purity in the face of unending capital abuse, the Soviet's military might (with its pioneering space program) is not at fault despite its brutality --only the Hegelians are who consistently misled revolution.  The only negation should be the "negation of the negation of negation," and then negation itself should be negated, forever, with a final, brutal negation of Hegelian synthesists.

Camatte is so helpful when he uses proletarian vocabulary correctly in the context of Marx and Engels.  He shows us how the Proletariat self-negated to near-disappearance because anti-aristocratic revolution was so successful in distributing both wealth (for urban-industrialized) and land (for rural farmers) with the Romanov extermination being an example of communist negation.  He shows us how the communist parties of his time (1960s-70s) had to fight to find proletariat society to represent.  Economies of Camatte's time were much more people-friendly, but the homelessness of the 1980s was just around the corner leading to our current, purely-defined, proletariat population that is often only one paycheck away from homelessness.  Common, non-unionized worker wages have dropped to 1/3 since Camette's time, probably because foreigninzation has successfully pit one culture against another for scant labor wages.  In support of capital, current communists work to provide new proletariat in the Third World for the First World capital machines (through uncontrolled population growth) so that they can subsequently represent and dominate it--precisely as Camette predicts.

From the Occupy critical inquiry's "purist" perspective, the "euro struggle," which is still the problem of negation (as the equivalent of antithesis) is the continuous lie necessary for the metacognitive (current dialectic) to continually transmit (transgenterationally) the sickness of synthesis.  Not mentioned by Camatte as an example of a group that is vulnerable to corruption is "the family."   Both capital and fascism are successfully transmitted through family as corporations (Bush) and police departments (Louima).  "Family" is the way organized crime such as the Mafia self-describes.  Even normal, mainstream families can easily be shown to be dominant and elitist in the ways Camatte describes as they meet his criteria (for racketeering) with their authoritarian attunement of their children to meet synthetic norms such as predetermined human capital and gender roles.

Thus, I see families as the guiltiest of antithesists and elitists; by rejecting and marginalizing youth who do not meet their norms, they create the unstoppable raw revolt of delinquency necessary to precipitate real revolution.  In their suffering, the marginalized youth symbolize the purity of proletariat struggle that attracted the intellectuals and soldiers who ultimately formed the communist movement ultimately resulting in Soviet Might --a gang by any standard.

Notwithstanding Camatte's criticism, the CCCP allowed the Proletariat to redefine itself as a powerful class by de-marginalizing itself to create, for instance, a pioneering space program from its unstoppable military ballistics driven by proletariat revolution.  Perhaps Camatte can momentarily be taken in reverse--but not negated--to implement the current revolution back to nature, which is the return of humanity to the evolutionary track.  Evolution is nothing if not scientific in explaining humanity's faith in nature as nature's own revolution: the evolutionary trajectory of love.  So seducing(!), especially if you consider that priests/pastors (perhaps even Christ) have only been but mere figureheads for the organization of original evolutionary purity: each individual woman's mammalian empathy for her child --her liberation from the capital synthesis of her "real world" family.

References:
Camatte's On Organization (click)
Occupy critical inquiry (Current Dialectic, this blog)

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